Monday, November 19, 2018
Benjamin Netanyahu - Indispensable Man
It was French president Charles de Gaulle who mordantly remarked that “the graveyards are full of indispensable men.” True enough. For the foreseeable future, however, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is Israel’s most indispensable man. He is already its longest-serving leader starting from 1996 until July 1999 then returning in March 2009.
Now, with elections looming in March 2019 Netanyahu is trying to extend his political longevity into 2023. His endurance is due to a combination of popularity, a canny ability to elbow aside prospective rivals and unparalleled competence.
Popularity
Like any politician, Netanyahu’s approval rating fluctuates. However, in poll after poll, he triumphs over all other party leaders. With Netanyahu in the number one spot heading the Likud slate, the party is projected to achieve a plurality of support in all polls with an average (as of November 2018) of 32 Knesset mandates. His nearest rivals are Yair Lapid’s Yesh Atid Party with 18 and Naftali Bennett’s Jewish Home Party with 11 mandates.
The once formidable Labor Party, rebranded as the Zionist Union and jointly led by Tzipi Livni in the Knesset and Avi Gabbay in the party chairmanship has yet to find its political footing. His only living predecessors are Ehud Olmert of the defunct Kadima Party and Ehud Barak of the Zionist Union/Labor Party. An embittered Olmert was released from prison in 2017 after serving time for corruption. Barak at age 76 fulminates against Netanyahu and hints of a comeback but few analysts take him seriously.
Netanyahu is more popular with his base than the public at large. His detractors think him Machiavellian, duplicitous and smug — willing to do anything to stay in power. His supporters would not automatically disagree. Over 60 percent of Israelis tell pollsters that they will be voting for a party other than Likud – some supposing their favored party will join a Netanyahu led-coalition while others hoping against the odds that Likud can be ousted.
Opponents would like to think the prime minister’s core voters are by definition illiberal, hawkish and religiously inclined. However, the 30 percent of voters who plan to vote Likud reflect a broad segment of the population.
Last Man Standing
Netanyahu spots, exploits and then discards capable political operatives. Just-resigned Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman, Finance Minister Moshe Kahlon, and Education Minister Naftali Bennett were all once in his orbit. Lieberman went on to form Yisrael Beiteinu, Kahlon established Kulunu and Bennett brought together Orthodox Zionist factions under the Jewish Home Party.
Netanyahu maneuvered former Internal Affairs Minister Gideon Sa'ar into quitting by claiming he was conspiring against him; benefitted as police announced a sexual harassment investigation (subsequently dropped) against former Vice Prime Minister Silvan Shalom forced him to end his political career. He pushed out the principled but politically naive former Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon. He coopted Benny Begin (former Prime Minister Menachem Begin’s equally principled and politically inept son). He kicked Danny Danon a popular Likud minister upstairs to the UN ambassadorship and brazenly exploited party rules fine print to toss firebrand Moshe Feiglin off the Likud election slate.
Netanyahu has not groomed a successor, and no Likud MK has anything close to the prime minister’s gravitas. He has a barely cold peace with President Reuven Rivlin, age 79, a hawkish liberal in the Jabotinsky mold.
Competence
Journalists who have observed Netanyahu over the years admire his fitness for office even if they disagree with his actions. A strategic thinker, Netanyahu’s scope of knowledge is both broad and deep. He is a voracious reader and a quick study. He has been his own Foreign Minister, and no one seems to think there is a better person for the job.
The perception of expertise comes across to average Israelis who give him high marks for his handling of Iran policy. He presents as a steady hand on the helm. While he is not charismatic, he is a gifted speaker in both Hebrew and English.
Foreign leaders may not like what he says but cannot deny that he speaks with panache and authority. When he first took office in 1996, the Internet was not a widely used tool. Netanyahu quickly appreciated its potential and became a master of social media. He uses it to circumvent the Israeli press which he denounces (with justification) as elitist and hostile.
He knows how to take credit and avoid blame. As Israel’s budget deficit grows to 3.6 percent and while the finance minister and the governor of the Bank of Israel bickered over the wisdom of tax cuts, Netanyahu remained above it all basking in a comparatively strong economy.
Israelis credit him for outwaiting the unpopular Barack Obama and are appreciative that relations with the US have stabilized. Netanyahu is the face associated with brand Israel and some 74 percent of Americans have a favorable attitude toward the Jewish state. According to a recent Gallop poll, 83 percent of Republicans, 72 percent of independents and 64 percent of Democrats support Israel.
Corruption? So, what?
The prime minister or those around him are under multiple police investigations for possible fraud and moral turpitude. Under Israel’s system, the police investigate and can recommend that the Attorney General issue an indictment.
Case 1000 – The police allege Netanyahu accepted $280,000 worth of luxury gifts from wealthy friends in return for favorable government treatment.
Case 2000 - Netanyahu is alleged to have cut a deal with tabloid newspaper Yediot Aharonot publisher Arnon Mozes to limit the circulation of the only pro-government tabloid Israel Hayom owned by Netanyahu-backer Sheldon Adelson in exchange for favorable coverage in Yediot
Case 3000 - Figures in Netanyahu’s inner circle including his attorney David Shimron are purported to have peddled influence in the procurement of German submarines and patrol boats for Israel’s navy.
Case 4000 - relates to whether the Netanyahu’s wife Sara dangled a telecommunications company executive regulatory relief in return for favorable coverage from the company’s Walla news
Case 1270 - Refers to whether a former Netanyahu spokesperson Nir Hefetz indirectly dangled the job of Attorney General through an intermediary to a sitting judge.
Separate from all this, Mrs. Netanyahu is in court for allegedly using public monies to pay for restaurant meals to be delivered to the official residence despite having chef on staff. She says she was saving the government money.
Veteran Jerusalem Post political reporter Gil Hoffman maintains that Israelis do not mind if Netanyahu appears a tad corrupt because culturally they admire a politician who is nobody’s fool. Better to have a political figure who cannot be taken advantage of than one who is incorruptible but naïve.
Further reading:
Bibi: The Turbulent Life and Times of Benjamin Netanyahu
by Anshel Pfeffer
The Netanyahu Years
by Ben Caspit and Ora Cummings
The Resistible Rise of Benjamin Netanyahu
by Neill Lochery
(c)
I am an Israel briefer and analyst, a political scientist, and a speaker on Jewish civilization. I'm also a rewrite guy & fact-checker, who can make your writing clear and compelling & help you contextualize.
Wednesday, November 14, 2018
GAZA: You call these options?
1. Israeli Pyrrhic victory – winning means you get to keep Gaza
2. Ousting Hamas on behalf of the PLO/Fatah/Palestinian Authority and then turning over Strip to these morally bankrupt and corrupt and thugs. This approach would also unite the two Palestinian Arab entities without any recognition of the right of the Jewish people to a national homeland (anywhere) in Palestine
3. Status quo – keeping in mind Hamas does not want the Strip to be refurbished or economically viable - it wants things more or less where they are
4. UN Trusteeship for Palestine – but this would require tremendous international leadership and an admission that the Palestinians Arabs are far from ready for independence. Aint gonna happen
I am an Israel briefer and analyst, a political scientist, and a speaker on Jewish civilization. I'm also a rewrite guy & fact-checker, who can make your writing clear and compelling & help you contextualize.
Wednesday, November 07, 2018
Looking at US elections from Zionist viewpoint - Snap Judgement
Here is what I ask:
What kind of Democrats won?
What kind of Republicans won?
My "pro-Israel" yardstick:
1. Against pushing Israel back to the 1949 Armistice Lines
2. Against flirtation with Hamas, Fatah or BDS (the rebranded long-standing Arab boycott of Israel)
That’s it.
Criticism of Israeli policies is fair game. Especially if it is informed and contextualized.
I am an Israel briefer and analyst, a political scientist, and a speaker on Jewish civilization. I'm also a rewrite guy & fact-checker, who can make your writing clear and compelling & help you contextualize.
Sunday, August 26, 2018
PREVIOUSLY IN JEWISH HISTORY
With just the right amount of razzle-dazzle, Martin Goodman takes us through the origins of Judaism and how we got to where we are today.
Covenant: God, people and land |
A History of Judaism
Martin Goodman
Princeton University
Press
656 pages; $39.95
Here we
are in season 3,517 (give or take) of “Jewish History – The Saga” and it is
time to recap. That is because every generation needs its historians to put the
story in fresh perspective. As English historian E.H. Carr argued, the facts do
not speak for themselves.
Martin
Goodman’s A History of Judaism is not, strictly speaking, a history of
the Jewish people but more of their religion — or as I prefer to think of it,
their civilization. There is an overlap, but they are not the same. While Goodman
covers the calamities and heartbreaks of Jewish life — endemic internecine
divisions, expulsions, Christian teachings of contempt, ghettoization,
inquisition, pogroms, the Holocaust, and Islam’s rejection of a national home
for the Jewish people anywhere in Dar al-Islam — he does not dwell on them. His
primary focus, as the title implies, is on developments within Judaism.
For
Goodman, there can be no Judaism without the covenant, and his history grapples
with how Jewish civilization has interpreted the covenant over time. Judaism
has never been static, yet it has a core. He writes: “At root, certain
religious ideas percolate through the history of Judaism and render
contemporary notions such as Secular Judaism, an affiliation divorced from any
belief in God, problematic.” This claim reminds me of how the eminent
psychologist Carl Jung put it: “Bidden or not bidden God is Present.” For
Goodman, the covenant binds God “specifically to the Jewish people and lays
special duties on them in return.” For me, the covenant is broader: the
contractual relationship between the God of Israel, the people of Israel, and
the land of Israel. It is a triad that expresses the foundational myth of
Judaism.
Goodman’s
book appears just months after the publication of volume two of Simon Schama’s The
Story of the Jews. Schama is a masterful storyteller. He knows a great deal
about a great deal. His readers mostly don’t mind when he goes off on a tangent
because the ride is so vivid. Who cares if Schama takes a few flamboyant
liberties in his combined history of the Jews and of Judaism? But ask me which
book I would recommend for anyone who wants a clear, skillfully synthesized
one-volume work and I would refer them to Goodman’s. With just the right amount
of razzle-dazzle, he takes us through the origins of Judaism, explains the
evolution of its creed, the far-reaching influence of Rabbinic Judaism, the
challenges of modernity and the many, many schisms along the way.
There is
no official starting point to Jewish history. Schama begins around 475 BCE in
Egypt in order to trace the origins of Jewish identity. Heinrich Graetz, the
19th-century historian, begins his multi-volume history of the Jewish people
just as the Israelites settled in the land of Canaan. Max Margolis and Alexander
Marx commence their 1927 A History of the Jewish People in Mesopotamia
at the Euphrates. For Paul Johnson’s A History of the Jews it is Hebron:
“This is where the 4,000-year history of the Jews, in so far as it can be
anchored in time and place, began.” Berel Wein in Echoes of Glory goes back to
400 BCE and the rise of Persia to set the stage for his description of the
rebuilding of the Second Temple.
Goodman,
who is president of the Centre for Hebrew and Jewish Studies at (but autonomous
from) Oxford, begins A History of Judaism in the first century CE with
Flavius Josephus, born Yosef ben Matityahu — and the best source, he says, for
insight into how the Jews understood their sacred history. Not that he takes
everything Josephus writes at face value. “What really happened matters much
less than what Jews believed had happened,” he argues. He does not dismiss
sacred history as fabricated. However, he thinks some biblical narratives were
“manipulated by later generations to teach moral lessons to their
contemporaries.”
History
gives us the chance to take the long view. “It is an error to imagine that
Jewish identity was secure and unproblematic before the complexities of the
modern world,” writes Goodman. During the First Temple period, they even quarreled
about centralizing the cult of sacrifice in Jerusalem (one would have thought
that the presence of the Ark of the Covenant in Jerusalem would have settled
the matter).
A Shabbat
prayer reads: “Turn us to thee, O Lord, and let us return; renew our days as of
old.” However, the days of old were not all they were cracked up to be.
Solomon’s kingdom splintered after his death (928 BCE), Samaria fell to the
Assyrians in 722 BCE (hence the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel), Nebuchadnezzar of
Babylon overwhelmed Judea in 586 BCE, and the Ark of the Covenant disappeared
from history. When Persia defeated Babylon, Cyrus allowed the Jews to return to
Jerusalem and, under Ezra (458 BCE), to rebuild their temple (c. 515). Many
preferred to stay put by the Rivers of Babylon. Still, writes Goodman, the Jews
of the Diaspora “shared a concern for the welfare of the Jerusalem Temple and
its cult” even while they felt free to develop local forms of piety.
Within this chronological map, A History of Judaism also serves as a primer to Jewish practice and ritual. Goodman weaves in, and contextualizes, the Jewish holidays. The Purim story is set during the early Second Temple period (perhaps 357 BCE), Hanukkah around 164 BCE. Festivals we observe today have their origins in ancient pilgrimages. “Three times a year, on the great festivals of Pesach (Passover), Shavuot (Pentecost) and Sukkot (Tabernacles), the Temple was transformed by the arrival of great crowds of pilgrim,” Goodman writes.
On the
political front, the Jews squandered their political capital and became a Roman
curatorship (in 6 CE). A rebellion (beginning in 66 CE) — its reasons still
debated — led Rome to take Jerusalem in 70 CE, destroy the temple and exile the
Jews. But wait. Goodman throws in this fascinating nugget: “Josephus claimed,
probably correctly, that Titus would have preferred not to destroy the Temple,
but once the building had been set alight in the dry August heat of Jerusalem,
it was impossible to save.” The destruction was unintended: “In the chaos of
the siege a fire started by a lighted brand flung into the sanctuary by a Roman
soldier spread rapidly out of control and attempts by Titus to save the
building were in vain.”
Theology
(what we believe), what we think we know (based on secular learning), and how
we practice the Jewish religion are not necessarily in sync. I always wonder if
those who identify as “Orthodox” realize that Orthodox doctrine holds that God
literally revealed the Torah on Mount Sinai and that the Talmud was (at the
very least) divinely inspired. Modern Orthodoxy provides no wiggle room on the
principle that the Torah is from heaven. To be Modern Orthodox means mostly a
willingness to engage with the world, in contrast to being Haredi and seeking
insularity.
Although
Goodman describes himself as observant, I am guessing he might consider himself
post-denominational. He describes Judaism as a religion “rooted in historical
memory, real or imagined.” The biblical books “were composed by many different
authors” with different motivations “over a long period and it would be naïve
to expect a consistent theology.” The takeaway message for me is the idea that
while our rituals, practices, prayers, and way of living Jewishly were not set
out at Sinai, but rather evolved over thousands of years, this does not
diminish their sanctity.
For those
who believe that Judaism is the best course of life (for Jews, anyway), it is
partly because sages such as Shimshon Raphael Hirsch taught that decency and
respect for the other is paramount (Derech Eretz Kadma L'Torah). “Six of the
Ten Commandments given to Moses by God on Mount Sinai relate to human behavior
in relation not to God but to other humans,” Goodman tells us. You want social
justice? Judaism demands that when harvesting grain, the owner of a field
should leave what’s in the corners for the poor. Among the ancient
civilizations, only Judaism “forbids the taking of interest.” Slavery based on
race as practiced in the New World was emphatically alien to the ethos of
Judaism. Those who wrote the sacred texts wanted us to aspire to
menschlichkeit.
Can
today’s progressive and traditionalist Jews show menschlichkeit toward each
other? It seems that streams in Judaism coexisted during the Second Temple era.
Pharisees emphasized an oral tradition and introduced, probably under Greek
influence, the idea of reward and punishment of souls in an afterlife. The
probably more marginal Sadducees rejected the legitimacy of non-written
traditions and believed that God did not directly intercede in human events.
These camps shared space in the Temple, Goodman writes. Josephus probably
offered a skewed view of the Sadducee in order to make them seem like pure
biblical literalists, posits Goodman. A third (by no means final) doctrinal
camp was the Essenes: ascetic, monkish, believers in the resurrection,
communist-like in their lifestyle, obsessed with the scatological, anti-slavery
and misogynist. Go figure.
With the
destruction of the Second Temple, Judaism enters a new phase. Synagogues take
on new importance though they had been a feature of village life in Eretz
Israel as well as in the diaspora already during the Second Temple period. The
Mishnah (redacted c. 200 CE) and Babylonian Talmud (completed around the sixth
century) set the stage. Goodman posits that the “rabbis in six century
Mesopotamia were well aware of the extent to which the Judaism they practiced
and taught had evolved from the scriptures they believed had been handed down
from Moses.” Creating a diaspora-friendly Judaism required reimagining or
inventing some festivals. Shavuot becomes a celebration of the giving of the
Torah. Simhat Torah comes along to celebrate the completion of the
Torah-reading cycle. The Talmud reframed the message of Hanukkah from one of
nationalism to the supernatural — a day’s supply of pure olive in the
rededicated Temple burned for eight days.
Judaism
like any creed has parameters, but no one can credibly claim that their
particular stream is authentic or the original. Prayers evolve or are injected
with new meaning, Goodman shows. For instance, by the high Middle Ages Kaddish
took on an additional role as a memorial prayer for the dead. Rabbinic scholars
developed halacha citing the Talmud, itself a compendium which dates back to
the Babylonian Exile and codified only circa 500 CE. Responsa (questions and
answers) continues to evolve and contend with legal (Halachic) issues in daily
life.
Goodman
walks us through a host of seminal books and authors putting each into context.
Rabbi Shlomo Yitzhaki or Rashi (whose day job was in viticulture) wrote
commentaries that elucidated biblical and Talmudic texts. Maimonides (day job:
physician) provided an accessible citation-free Mishneh Torah,
guidelines for how to study, pray, repent — have sex even. Thanks to the
printing press — the social media of the late Middle Ages — Rashi’s commentary
on the Five Books of Moses practically went viral after 1475, and the Talmud
became widely disseminated after 1523. Goodman points out that “The printing of
halakhot began to spread norms and expectations far beyond any specific
locality” so that by the 1500s Jewish law was “codified as never before.”
Religions
have defining garb and fashions. If you define yourself by the style of your
kippa, then consider that only in the 13th century did Jewish men begin
covering their heads in the synagogue. A contemporary trend among some Orthodox
is to wear tzitzit (ritual fringes) that dangle outside their trousers below
the knee.
Schism is
intrinsic to Judaism. The Karaites of the 9th century CE rejected the rabbinic
interpretation of the Torah. Sabbetai Zevi in the 17th century and Jacob Frank
in the 18th century were charismatic figures who claimed to be messiahs and
left the Jewish world traumatized once they were exposed as charlatans.
Kabbalah, mysticism and the Book of Zohar (redacted in the late 1200s)
presented innovative spiritual opportunities but also theological risks.
Among those who popularized what had been esoteric Kabbalah were the Hasidim. When Hassidism first appeared, it was vehemently opposed by the Vilna Gaon (1720–1797) and the rabbinic mainstream who became “Mitnagdim” (opponents) partly out of fear that some Hassidic rebbe would go down the path of Sabbetai Zevi. In the late 1770s, Mitnagdim might excommunicate Hasidim. Today Hassidim and Mitnagdim get along better. In Israel, they campaign for the Knesset under the same United Torah Judaism banner. Why? Think about Tom Lehrer’s satiric lyrics: “Oh the Protestants hate the Catholics and the Catholics hate the Protestants, and the Hindus hate the Moslems and everybody hates the Jews!” In the same vein, the Hassidim may “hate” the Mitnagdim but everybody hates the Reform, a catchall phrase among the insular ultra-Orthodox for progressive Judaism of any stripe.
Among those who popularized what had been esoteric Kabbalah were the Hasidim. When Hassidism first appeared, it was vehemently opposed by the Vilna Gaon (1720–1797) and the rabbinic mainstream who became “Mitnagdim” (opponents) partly out of fear that some Hassidic rebbe would go down the path of Sabbetai Zevi. In the late 1770s, Mitnagdim might excommunicate Hasidim. Today Hassidim and Mitnagdim get along better. In Israel, they campaign for the Knesset under the same United Torah Judaism banner. Why? Think about Tom Lehrer’s satiric lyrics: “Oh the Protestants hate the Catholics and the Catholics hate the Protestants, and the Hindus hate the Moslems and everybody hates the Jews!” In the same vein, the Hassidim may “hate” the Mitnagdim but everybody hates the Reform, a catchall phrase among the insular ultra-Orthodox for progressive Judaism of any stripe.
With
18th-century enlightenment and later political emancipation, Jews could, in
theory, become equal citizens of the Jewish faith or jettison their identity
altogether. How one might both blend in and be Jewish sometimes engendered
radical experimentation — hence the Reform movement which evolved first in
Germany and then in the US. Reform’s revolutionary schemes included discarding
Hebrew, kashrut, and Shabbat. When the extreme was reached the reverse set in.
In the United States, by 1937 the sociology and demography of the Jews in the
pews demanded a more middle-of-the-road Reform Judaism, Goodman explains. Both
Orthodoxy and Reform disapproved of political Zionism yet both streams
contributed leading Zionist personages.
The
Conservative movement sought to steer a middle way and left “open even central
issues about the notion of revelation and observance of halakhah,” writes
Goodman. The movement, he notes, is presently in crisis. Those in the middle of
the road get hit by cars coming from both directions.
Progressive
Judaism has never taken off in Israel where many Israelis are non-practicing
Orthodox and often shockingly religiously illiterate. Israel’s political system
has spawned the institution of the chief rabbinate, nowadays in the firm
control of the ultra-Orthodox. The rabbinate is responsible for marriage,
divorce and conversion (and has narrowly defined “who is a Jew”).
Paradoxically, the ultra-Orthodox establishment operates a parallel, more insular “Eida Chareidis” which regards state rabbis as slackers. Money is no problem for the Eida Chareidis since numerous kosher products, from milk to mineral water, require the imprimatur of both the state rabbinate and the Eida for sale in kosher supermarkets. Money being fungible, Eida cash runs into the coffers of the Peleg Yerushalmi sect which violently opposes not merely service in the Israel Defense Forces but statutes that require Haredim to register at the draft office to receive a routine deferment.
Paradoxically, the ultra-Orthodox establishment operates a parallel, more insular “Eida Chareidis” which regards state rabbis as slackers. Money is no problem for the Eida Chareidis since numerous kosher products, from milk to mineral water, require the imprimatur of both the state rabbinate and the Eida for sale in kosher supermarkets. Money being fungible, Eida cash runs into the coffers of the Peleg Yerushalmi sect which violently opposes not merely service in the Israel Defense Forces but statutes that require Haredim to register at the draft office to receive a routine deferment.
One of
the dubious innovations of the Haredi world, as Goodman shows, is the idea
propagated by the Hatam Sofer (1762-1839) that “that which is new is forbidden
according to the Torah” making virtually any innovation strictly forbidden.
Haredim give paramount authority to Joseph Karo’s 1565 Shulhan Arukh or Code of
Jewish Law and its 1864 abridged version. Those who profess to live in strict
adherence to rules laid down over 1,300 years ago or their hardline
incarnations necessarily part ways with Jews who might refer to the Shulhan
Arukh as one of many sources in deciding how to live an observant lifestyle in
the 21st century.
Zeal has its limits and many Haredim have workarounds and dispensations to access the gadgets and paraphernalia necessary for modern living.
Zeal has its limits and many Haredim have workarounds and dispensations to access the gadgets and paraphernalia necessary for modern living.
Goodman
wants to end on a positive note so posits that “Rabbinic literature is replete
with stories of rabbis who agreed to disagree.” However, he is also realistic
and leaves the reader with an open question: “Will the violence which in recent
decades has begun to characterize religious disputes between Jews, especially
in the State of Israel, escalate, or will it subside as it has so often over
the past 2,000 years into a grudging acceptance of difference?”
Stay
tuned.
------------------------------
(c) copyright asserted by Elliot Jager 2018
I am an Israel briefer and analyst, a political scientist, and a speaker on Jewish civilization. I'm also a rewrite guy & fact-checker, who can make your writing clear and compelling & help you contextualize.
Tuesday, August 14, 2018
POLITICO-STRATEGIC BRIEFING
Israel faces military and security challenges |
Expert available to meet with VIP individuals, couples, families or delegations
To complement the
work of certified tour guides and help visitors make sense of Israel’s
political system & political culture.
For those who might benefit from a fair-minded wide-angle briefing covering the country’s internal divisions and external regional dilemmas
To enhance and deepen understanding of Israel by going beyond the 24/7 news cycle.
Especially suitable for return visitors who have seen
the sites and are ready for a deeper look at Israel’s polity.
Dr. Elliot Jager now a Jerusalem-based journalist and non-fiction manuscript editor was a New York University political science lecturer from 1988 to 1997
An experienced presenter, he is a past editorial page editor at The Jerusalem Post (where he worked for 11 years), former Jewish world editor at The Jerusalem Report, was founding managing editor of Jewish Ideas Daily (Mosaic) and a former night editor at Newsmax.
His 2017 book, The Balfour Declaration Sixty-Seven Words – 100 Years of Conflict told the story of what is, arguably, the most crucial political letter of the 20th century and why it still matters.
Elliot will customize his 60 to 90-minute briefing to suit interests and schedules. He can meet you, your guest or client over breakfast before they start their day of touring or when they are back at their hotel or at his Jerusalem office.
(דמי הפנייה למדריכים)
I am an Israel briefer and analyst, a political scientist, and a speaker on Jewish civilization. I'm also a rewrite guy & fact-checker, who can make your writing clear and compelling & help you contextualize.
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