Wednesday, March 30, 2022

How to Understand the Spike in Palestinian Arab Terror (in less than 500 words)


This week’s wave of Arab terror against the Zionist enterprise is part of a 100-year-plus war to uproot the national homeland of the Jewish people everywhere in Palestine.

It is not about “occupation” or “apartheid” or “settlements.” Antony Blinken is wrong. The progressive media is wrong. 

The attackers are incited by messages of hate they’ve learned in school, at mosques, and, more lately, on social media. The hate is taught by the Palestinian Authority, in UN-funded schools around the Middle East, by Hamas, and other Islamist organizations. The messages of hate are contemporized for each generation but fundamentally they restate the line of Haj Amin al-Husseini: I declare a holy war, my Muslim brothers! Murder the Jews! Murder them all.

International diplomatic, military and financial support comes from Iran (for Hamas, Hezbollah, and Islamic Jihad) and elsewhere. Turkey offers Hamas a base, for example. The EU and the US fund the PA and since money is fungible this largesse allows the PA to subsidize terrorism.

We always ask where the Arab moderates are. Over the past 100 years plus, there have been Arab moderates; they’ve been silenced, intimidated, or killed. That is the perspective for understanding that as Arab regimes normalize relations with Israel, as some Israeli Arab leaders join an Israeli government, the formidable agitated rejectionist camp (led by Palestinian Arab players and Iran) will intensify their efforts to strangle normalization.

Their tools to stifle normalization range from BDS to bullets. "Useful idiot" Jews and others think BDS is something new -- but it is a follow-on of the Arab Boycott initiated in 1945 by the Arab League.

The only genuine denunciation of this week's terrorism from a significant Palestinian Israeli figure came from Mansour Abbas. He heads the United Arab List in the Knesset and serves in the Israeli cabinet.

The censures mumbled from Ramallah’s Muakta --  the headquarters of PLO/PA leader Mahmoud Abbas -- were scripted at Foggy Bottom and are vacuous as the PA will now – as it has done in the past – pay lifetime pensions to this week’s killers and their families.

The condemnation from the Joint List faction (a six-seat Knesset alliance of four radical anti-Zionist parties) was even more half-hearted, conditional, and hollow.

Those on our side who offer easy answers or magic solutions do not know what they are talking about. This wave of terror has no headquarters and no command and control, so it will take time to uproot. And this requires upping our game in intelligence (human and cyber).

Retaliation against innocent Arab civilians anywhere in the Land of Israel is unethical and without value. It “deters” people who do not need deterring and it may incite those sitting on the sidelines.

There is never a good time for Israeli demagogues to inflame the arena. But now, especially with the approach of Ramadan (always a violent period often involving internecine Muslim bloodletting from Pakistan to Yemen), is decidedly not the time for Religious Jewish ultra-nationalist (Hardel) lunatics (several of whom are Knesset members) to parade on the Temple Mount.

Like all religious fanatics, Jewish extremists think they are soldiers of the Party of God.  

Religious Jewish ultra-nationalist (Hardal) fanaticism from the street theatre in Jerusalem’s Shiekh Jarrah to illegal activities in Judea and Samaria has not helped the atmosphere. “Settler violence” did not ignite these attacks, yet that doesn’t mean brutality from our side is moral or acceptable. It is indeed illegal. It surely undermines Zionist sovereignty in Eretz Israel.

This is a time for self-discipline and for fortitude.

We will not be uprooted from this Land. 

 

Friday, February 18, 2022

The First Lady of Hadassah - A New Biography

Does the name Henrietta Szold ring only a vague bell?

Fortunately, Dvora Hacohen's outstanding new biography To Repair a Broken World: The Life of Henrietta Szold, Founder of Hadassah, masterfully rendered into English by Shmuel Sermoneta-Gertel, will make Szold's story accessible to a new generation. And deservedly so because Szold (1860-1945) was one of the few women in the pre-state Zionist pantheon and ought to be more widely known.

You can think of Szold in more than a few dimensions: inner-city settlement worker in Baltimore; the editor at the Jewish Publication Society; Zionist campaigner, and founder of what would become the largest Zionist membership organization in America – Hadassah. In Palestine, she was a public health pioneer, and, as Hitler's shadow cast its pall over Europe, Szold became the "mother of Youth Aliya." This was an agency created in 1932 which by 1934, was settling parentless, unaccompanied European Jewish children in Palestine. Many would be raised and educated on kibbutzim. Some had been smuggled in after the outbreak of WWII as British Mandate authorities continued to keep the gates of Palestine closed to Jews. In 1943, Szold welcomed a contingent of Polish Jewish children who had made it to Palestine via Teheran. Ultimately, 30,000 adolescents were brought to the country, housed, and educated by Youth Aliya.

I finished reading Hacohen's book while waiting for medical treatment in the out-patient day clinic at Hadassah Hospital on Mount Scopus. Around me were patients getting infusions or waiting for colonoscopies or heart procedures. Most of the other patients were Jerusalem Arabs; the oncologist treating one of them was also Arab. The soft-touch technician who did my phlebotomy was an Arab; the nurses were Jews; their bantering was in Arabic, French, Russian, and Hebrew. A few Arab patients rely on the hospital's modest lunch as their main meal. I overheard the supervising nurse tell a man being treated for diabetes that he could come in the following day to pick up lunch even though he wasn't scheduled for treatment. I mention this scene only to illustrate that the ethos Szold created is alive and well.

The Mount Scopus Hadassah Hospital was built by Szold and underwritten by the under-appreciated – by average Israelis – Rothschild family. She died in the hospital in 1945 at age 85 and was buried at the nearby Mount of Olives. The book has some evocative pictures, including one of Szold's funeral procession from the hospital to the cemetery. Later, between 1948-1967, Jordan occupied much of east, north, and south Jerusalem, so it wasn't safe to get to the hospital. Hadassah built an even bigger medical campus in west Jerusalem at Ein Keren as a solution.

***

Szold was born five years before the US Civil War, one year after her Hungarian parents Sophie and Rabbi Benjamin Szold arrived in America. Her father came to take the pulpit of Temple Oheb Shalom in Baltimore. Henrietta was the firstborn of eight daughters and the apple of her father's eye. He saw that she received an excellent education that left her fluent in German, English, French, and Hebrew. By age 17, Szold had already begun contributing articles to a weekly Jewish newspaper. The only reason she did not enroll at nearby Johns Hopkins University is that they did not accept women. She did sit in on lectures, however.

In telling Szold's story, Hacohen also gives us insight into the turn of the century American Jewish émigré experience. "Every day on her way to work, Henrietta passed immigrants wandering the city to find a job. Many relied on charity from the Jewish community to survive. Henrietta saw charity as a stopgap form of assistance that was of little benefit and did not really help the immigrants better their situation," so she decided that they needed to learn English. She started a night school (for Jews and non-Jews alike) raising funds along the way. Her Baltimore experiences honed her fundraising and community organizing skills.

She followed news of the Passover Pogroms of 1881 in Czarist Russia in the pages of London's Jewish Chronicle. And she read Leo Pinsker's Auto-Emancipation a Zionist polemic. After the May 1903 Kishinev pogroms, she organized a public protest meeting in Baltimore. Henrietta was impressed with Vladimir Jabotinsky's efforts in Odesa, Ukraine, to organize Jewish self-defense squads to confront the pogromists.

Telling Szold's story also allows Hacohen to highlight other key milestones in the American Jewish narrative. The Reform movement was the leading and best-organized Jewish stream, and the temple Henrietta's father Benjamin led was Reform. As the Reform moved further away from tradition and its leader Rabbi Isaac Mayer Wise tendered – likely inadvertently, it transpires – what infamously came to be known as the "Trefa Banquet" of 1883, Rabbi Benjamin moved in the opposite direction to position himself with the camp that would emerge as the Conservative movement. When her father died in 1902, Henrietta insisted that a man could not replace her in saying Kaddish.

Another nugget from the book is that though institutionally the Reform movement opposed Zionism (as did most leading Orthodox rabbis), influential Reform rabbis were instrumental in promoting Zionism in America. At her father's (Zionist) table, and later through her work in Philadelphia at the Jewish Publication Society until 1916, and her studies in Manhattan at the Jewish Theological Seminary (where she learned Talmud but had to promise she would not be a rabbi), Henrietta encountered a Who's Who of Jewish notables such as Mayer Sulzberger (of The New York Times clan), JTS president Rabbi Solomon Schechter, JTS-educated Joseph Herman Hertz (later British chief rabbi), Rabbi Marcus Jastrow (of dictionary fame), Julian Mack (a founder of the AJCommittee), and philanthropist Nathan Strauss.

At the Jewish Publication Society, starting in 1904, Szold was founding editor and chief writer of the American Jewish Yearbook though her official title was "secretary." Let's just say that JPS did not overpay Szold for her services. She was also engaged in the 1904 Jewish Encyclopaedia.

                                 ***

Szold made her first trip to Palestine, then under Ottoman Turkish control, in 1909, accompanied by her mother. The journey was intended to help Henrietta get over unrequited love. They traveled through Lebanon into Palestine and took the train from Jaffa to Jerusalem, arriving at – what is today – the First Station. The trip was long, five hours, unpleasant, cramped, and full of boisterous uncouth passengers.

With feet planted squarely on the ground, she asked herself if this was really to be "the land of our dreams?" Rather than being turned off by Palestine's stark reality, she became an even more committed Zionist. She and her mother visited with pioneering doctors who tended to the Yishuv. It was her mother who encouraged Henrietta to take practical steps to help the Zionist enterprise by focusing on public health.

In 1912, Henrietta helped establish Hadassah in the US to develop healthcare delivery and public health education services for Palestine.

In 1920, with WWI over and Britain having been granted the League of Nations Mandate to fulfill the 1917 Balfour Declaration, Szold came back to Palestine. She was 60 years old and henceforth would be dividing her time between Palestine and America. Her daily routine began at 4:30 AM and ended around midnight. She lived ascetically, never owned an apartment, and plowed whatever money supporters gave her into her projects – healthcare, nurses training, settlement, and youth aliya.

She traveled the country's roads, despite the danger posed by Arab gunmen along the way, to visit sites Hadassah was funding. During the Arab May Day riots in Jaffa of 1921, she volunteered to nurse the wounded. Szold championed public health education in hygiene, maternal health, and preventive medicine. The public health situation was precarious. In 1926 a typhus epidemic struck the Yishuv; in 1927, a severe earthquake challenged the Yishuv's limited capacity to care for its sick.

***

The Zionist movement was fragmented. Chaim Weizmann against David Ben Gurion; Labor-leaning factions against those inspired by Jabotinsky; the American Zionists led by Louis Brandeis against the Yishuv Zionist apparatus led by Ben-Gurion. In Palestine and America, all the Zionist notables were men (some of whom wanted to usurp control over Hadassah). Szold sought to navigate a pragmatic non-partisan course as best as possible. She did not crave political power, according to Hacohen, but political responsibility was sometimes thrust upon her. Zionist powerbrokers gave Hadassah a seat (1927) on the Jewish Agency's Executive, meaning Szold was often the only woman in the room in a position of influence. In 1930, Zionist bigshots placed her on the Va'ad Leumi of Palestinian Jewry in charge of social welfare.

While she was on one of her extended visits in the US, in 1925, she got herself enmeshed with Brith Shalom alongside her friends Martin Buber, Gershom Scholem, Arthur Ruppin, and Judah Magnes operating in Jerusalem. These well-meaning intellectuals realized that the Palestinian Arabs, (Christian and Muslim) would never accede to a national homeland for the Jewish people anywhere in Palestine. Brith Shalom, therefore, proposed Zionists abandon political claims if the Arabs would accept a binational state (with an Arab majority) and agree that Eretz Israel could be developed as the cultural center of the Jewish people. The idea fizzled because there was no Arab partner, and after the Arab riots of 1929, even Brith Shalom dreamers recognized a binational state was a nonstarter.

***

One of the virtues of Hacohen's book is that it is a comparatively easy read and seamlessly tells Henrietta Szold's personal story and that of her public career while also contextualizing events in American Jewish and Palestinian Zionist history. 

Indeed, Henrietta’s private side is poignant. She fell in love with scholar Louis Ginzberg, who comes across in these pages as a real piece of work. After he matter-of-factly told her he had gotten engaged – to someone else, Henrietta suffered a breakdown. To the end, she was a solitary figure adored by her admirers and colleagues yet without a soulmate. On her deathbed, she said, "I lived a rich life, but not a happy life." 

Author Dvora Hacohen is a professor of 20th-century history at Bar-Ilan University here in Israel, a prolific award-winning author and scholar. She traveled to Baltimore, London, and elsewhere to research this book and unearthed previously untapped archives and diaries. That is why To Repair a Broken World: The Life of Henrietta Szold Founder of Hadassah will be appreciated by general and academic audiences and is an important contribution to Zionist history.

 

To Repair a Broken World

The Life of Henrietta Szold, Founder of Hadassah

By Dvora Hacohen

Foreword by Ruth Bader Ginsburg

Harvard University Press

400 pages $35

https://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674988095

 

 

 

 

 

Friday, February 04, 2022

Remembering my mother Yvette Jager on her 25th Yahrzeit

 


                                                                        זיכרונה לברכה‎

Tuesday, November 30, 2021

WHAT IF WE GAVE MANSOUR ABBAS A CHANCE?



On Monday, at Hebrew University, I attended a talk by Dr. Mansour Abbas, the Arab Knesset member who – remarkably – sits in the Zionist government and Knesset while heading the Islamist party RAM. The discussion was smartly moderated by Channel 12 journalist Rina Matzliach and sponsored by the dovish-leaning Truman Institute headed by Prof. Vered Vinisky-Seroussi. Matzliach, who on TV sometimes comes over as a prima donna did not make the event about herself.

Mansour Abbas’s argument, in a nutshell, is that the conflict between Palestinian Arabs and the Zionist enterprise is intractable. We need to live with that and find workarounds to make day-to-day life better for every citizen.

Abbas mentioned the influence the late Rabbi Menachem Froman https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Menachem_Froman had on him. Rabbi Froman was among the first in the settler movement to articulate the need for coexistence rooted in religious grounds and to reach out to Muslim religious leaders to convince them to embrace the idea of tolerance and coexistence. Now, Abbas works together with the principled and admired Rabbi Michael Melchior https://www.rabbimichaelmelchior.org/welcome a strictly Orthodox Jerusalem rabbi of dovish leanings.

Abbas is an HU alum and expressed his gratitude to the university not only for the opportunity to learn dentistry but for doing so in a Hebrew-speaking environment. He said mastering Hebrew was an essential tool in his campaign to improve conditions for Israel’s Palestinian Arab citizens.

To the crux of the matter. I don’t think the message of coexistence and tolerance is much promulgated by Arab leaders to an Arab audience in Arabic. I am unaware of any coexistence group that is not funded by foreigners. So when a home-grown Arab leader who has street creds comes to promulgate coexistence and tolerance I put my cynicism on hold.

There has never been a reformation in Islam. There are no reform mosques. Muslim civilization does not find it easy to play second fiddle to any other civilization. Hence the partition of India, for example. Palestinian Arab society is socially conservative. Arab leaders tend not to come from the world of the humanities and liberal arts. Indeed, Abbas is, as noted, a dentist. His political nemesis is the crafty, charismatic, and uncompromising gynecologist and Knesset Member Ahmed Tibi.

Parenthetically, beyond the Green Line, Hamas was co-founded by the now-departed pediatrician Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi. One of its current leaders, Khaled Mashal, studied physics. Granted, Yehiya Sinwar and Ismail Haniyeh were educated more as Arabists, but I doubt in any liberal arts sense.

The Arab educational emphasis is practical. Naturally, there are social workers and teachers. However, pedagogically, the best and the brightest students tend to gravitate to the hard sciences. These are useful professions but don’t offer much space to inculcate the message of tolerance. The Palestinian Arabs we Israelis generally encounter are on the one hand pharmacists, doctors, nurses, and on the other construction workers, and unskilled laborers.

Something tells me most imams are not preaching acceptance of the other from the minbar.

Thus, having Mansour Abbas preach tolerance – not of the vacuous Kumbaya “why-can’t-we-all-get-along" sort – but a pragmatic self-interested broadmindedness legitimized by his authoritative reading of the Koran is hugely valuable.

“I don’t speak in coexistence jargon,” he granted – but I live coexistence, he implied. 

As for the Islamic Sharia Council that his party supposedly answers to – he said it is elected and that there are term limits. This gives his stance for coexistence unique legitimacy. He characterized the Sharia Council of his Islamist stream as a democratic model for religious politics.

His coexistence impulse came early. Abbas told his HU audience that he grew up in a mixed Arab town with Druze and Christians. This was where he learned real-world broadmindedness — which presumably predisposed him to embrace Froman’s line.

He also reminded us that the Arabs in this Land are deeply fragmented – maybe even more than the Jews. Nonetheless, RAM’s decision to join the Israeli government has substantial popular support.

So, Mansour Abbas’s line is: I have my views, but I am prepared to accept that you don’t share them. And religion just might be a bridge for everyday coexistence where secularism has failed.

He acknowledges that Israelis distrust and suspect him of ulterior motives. Abbas said we all have multiple, maybe even contradictory, identities. He explained that he expresses his loyalty to Israel simply by participating in the system and swearing allegiance to the Knesset and state.

To my mind, this is a big deal. Consider that here in Jerusalem most Palestinian Arabs, 40 percent of the population at least, refuse to vote in municipal elections. So they do not have any representation on the city council. They reject the existence of Israel and its control over the city. In the past municipal election, one Arab slate bucked this trend to compete but Jerusalem Arabs obstinately did not go to the polls.

So I am pleased to take allegiance where I can get it.

Mansour Abbas is also a sociological ambassador – both ways. He instructs Arabs who want to figure out Jewish politics to factor in Jewish existential fears. Unlike PLO and Hamas leaders, Abbas is no Holocaust denier.

Most importantly, his recurrent theme is there is no point in emphasizing our very real – I would add zero-sum – differences since doing so leads to a dead end. His constituents want real services and tangible results. That requires engaging in politics, which necessarily involves compromise.

Speaking of tolerance, as deputy Knesset speaker, Abbas says he has been shocked by the lack of civility – especially between Jewish members. Anyone who watches Channel 99 (Israel’s C-SPAN) knows precisely what he means. 

On a personal level, Abbas is dismayed at being denounced by ultra-right Jews as a Hamasnik and by the anti-Zionist firebrands such as Ayman Odeh (a supposed progressive) and the aforementioned Ahmad Tibi (a nationalist) as a collaborator.

He says we are all changing and evolving.

He even wants Jewish votes if he can get them. The audience at HU was mostly Jewish even though there are loads of Arab students on campus.

I can’t help but think of Abbas in the context of Palestinian Arab history. In the 1930s and 1940s, some Arab clans and leaders grudgingly accepted the Zionist enterprise as an unhappy fait accompli. They thought it best for their people to cooperate, to be practical. They were all silenced or murdered. So when people ask where the Arab moderates are, the answer is – in the cemeteries. See https://www.amazon.com/Army-Shadows-Hillel-Cohen/dp/0520259890   

Abbas’s line also recalled somewhat of the West Bank Village Leagues leaders Menachem Begin sought to cultivate https://www.memri.org/reports/story-palestinian-village-leagues  They might have delivered autonomy to West Bank Arabs had the PLO not bullied them out of existence.

So in a sense, Abbas may just be the inheritor of a Palestinian Arab stream of realpolitik presumed extinct. He is not abandoning any aspect of his identity or political, religious, or cultural beliefs and demands but is open to compartmentalizing them, willing to be nuanced. Ready to find workarounds.

He told us what we already knew: that Netanyahu begged him to throw his support to him and Likud and he would have wanted to, but the ultra-right blocked Netanyahu, and moreover Abu Yair lost all credibility – so Abbas took his chances with Naftali Bennett.

On a human level, Abbas presents as respectful and warm exhibiting a winning self-deprecating humor.

May Allah continue to guide him on the path of coexistence and tolerance and keep him safe.

 

 FOR MORE ON ABBAS see

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mansour_Abbas


 

 

 

 

Sunday, October 10, 2021

Bye-Bye New York Times

I did it. I just canceled my subscription to The New York Times.


I have been a reader of the NYT since high school. Yes, I was aware of the paper’s hostility toward Zionism and its non-coverage of the Holocaust.

And over the years, no matter my distaste for some of its Israel coverage and the tendentious columns by Tom Friedman, Roger Cohen, and Anthony Lewis, I did not want to stop getting the paper.

Overall the scope and breadth, and elegance of its coverage were unsurpassed. Moreover, I wanted to expose myself to views that made me question my positions.

However, in recent years the Times has deteriorated as a serious newspaper/outlet.

I can cope with grossly slanted coverage.

I can even cope with the condescending and relentless “how-to” pieces … of the how-to peel a banana or wipe your ass variety.  

But when the newspaper/outlet presents principally as a viewspaper, when editors dictate that woke rule virtually every facet of coverage from books to soft features – it is time to stop being a chump subscriber.  

At some stage, The Times embarked on a didactic endeavor to program, North Korean-style, a generation of readers to imbibe the propaganda of intolerance and the myopia of woke. Newer readers probably don’t even know they are being manipulated. Veteran readers may be too sluggish to make a move.

But not this old geezer. Bye-bye, New York Times. 

Wednesday, September 22, 2021

To the American Political Science Association

The American Political Science Association is now holding its 117th Annual Meeting in Seattle, Washington even as woke values continue to permeate not just popular culture and the media but also academia. 

My own field of political science seems to have fallen prey to the woke canon. I am not suggesting that political science is unique. Many university departments in sociology and anthropology, not to mention Middle East Studies, in Israel, the UK, the US, and elsewhere, have been hijacked by anti-Zionist campaigners. Many US campuses have become hostile environments to visibly Jewish and pro-Zionist students.


More and more lecturers seem to be using the classroom to push their opinions and assign readings to promote only one point of view—theirs. When I went to university in the 1970s and 1980s, though most professors were liberal-leaning, dissent and dialogue were tolerated, sometimes even welcomed, and required readings were often balanced.

As old school liberal baby boomers retire from academia, dogmatic wokers fill their places. Yesteryear’s liberal partiality has become today’s rigid progressive convention. As a result, the social sciences and humanities in the US, and Israel too, are often bastions of unabashedly one-sided curricula. Witch-hunts often instigated by woke students against those traduced as racists or gender offenders, are common occurrences on campus.

Academic literature more and more mirrors woke convention. The May 2021 edition of Political Science Today, a magazine of the American Political Science Association, reflected the editors’ obeisance to woke values. Obfuscation is a core element in woke-speak. Nonetheless, I was able to decipher the editors’ intention by scrutinizing this magazine. A theme that comes through is their concern that there are still too many white male political scientists about (40 percent). The editors inventoried all APSA journal authors by “Gender Self-Identification,” Again, white men dominated while non-binary persons were way down in the rankings.

An article about the often chauvinistic Black Lives Matter movement is uncritical except to question whether it fully articulates the interests of “Black LGBTQIA+ individuals.” There is no mention of antisemitism or anti-Zionism.  

Another article bemoans the small numbers of “underrepresented students” in mathematically-oriented political science subfields. Turn the page, and a headline shouts: “Does Your Online Course Perpetuate Institutional Discrimination?”

A piece on “Strategies for Teaching the Insurrection and Impeachment” urges instructors to name “the insurrection for what it was.” I make no secret of my disdain for Donald Trump, nor do I play down the danger posed by the assault on the Capitol. Yet, a political science classroom is not a New York Times op-ed. Teachers should use less loaded terminology and make their lecture halls a safe space even for Trump-supporting students.

The May 2021 edition of Political Science Today also had brief agitprop about anti-Asian violence asserting these crimes were inspired by America’s white colonialist past. Boloney.

In New York City, almost all attacks in the first three months of 2021 against Chinese people were carried out by Blacks or Hispanics. Nationwide, between 1992-2014, hate crimes against Asian Americans were more likely to be committed by Blacks and Hispanics, not whites.

Further along in the magazine, a multi-page spread gives readers biographical sketches of “diversity fellows,” all of whom would appear to be students of color. Diversity? Finally, and I fear indicative of the discipline’s future, skimming the list of 2020 doctoral dissertations, I found only one by a Jewish American scholar on an Israel-related topic, and it was devoted to “settler violence.” An entire generation of students has now grown up oblivious to the fundamental issues of the Palestinian-Israel conflict. All they can do is repeat the “occupation” mantra unthinkingly. What a shame.

 It is even painful to watch parodies of campus woke because they are so…real.

Poli Sci should neither be boringly abstract nor hostage to pop-political-trends. Your students need to know current events -- beyond what they come away with by scrolling through their social media feeds. Courageous teachers of politics need to inculcate tolerance and Madisonian -- not woke -- values. 


#APSA2021


To read more see:


 https://www.voanews.com/usa/anti-asian-hate-crime-crosses-racial-and-ethnic-lines

 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7790522/

https://www.wsj.com/articles/woke-teachers-dont-understand-the-classics-11609690239 

https://www.ngo-monitor.org/reports/bds_on_american_campuses_sjp_and_its_ngo_network/

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Chair_(2021_TV_series)

Monday, August 30, 2021

'The Pater' a humble Hassid Passes Away at age 98 in B'nei Brak

הרה "ח אשר אנשל בן אליהו 

My father Asher Anshel Mordechai Yager Tziad זכרונו לברכה died at home in B'nei Brak on Wednesday, August 25, 2021 (17 Ellul 5781) at age 98. He was eulogized at the Spinka Synagogue in B'nai Brak where, as a Spinka Hassid, מזקני וחשובי חסידי ספינקא, he had worshipped particularly on Shabbat and the festivals.

In Jerusalem, he davened at שומרי אמונים ירושלים.

Born in Spinka, Rumania, in 1923, Anshel attended local cheder and yeshiva. His mother, Risa, died when he was young. During World War II, he was conscripted into forced labor by the Romanians allied with Nazi Germany. His sisters Golda and Sarah were sent to Auschwitz, where Sarah died of malnutrition. His father, Eliahu, died in the course of the war under circumstances unknown. Close to liberation time, at Passover, Anshel could trade his bread ration for a potato, he recalled years later. When the war was over, he discovered that his sister Golda and brother Chaim Yitzhak had survived (Chaim most likely had made it to Soviet lines).

From a DP camp in Germany, my father ultimately arrived in the US, was introduced to and married my dear mother Yvette עליה השלום in 1952. After I was born, we lived in the Jacob Riis Housing Projects on the Lower East Side of Manhattan.

He was traumatized and haunted by his war experiences. Nonetheless, he tried to acclimate and learned English. He held down a series of jobs, including butcher's assistant and eventually – with my mother's savvy intervention – mail handler for the US Post Office.

By then he had discovered Reb Hershele's stiebel, a Spinka enclave, between Avenue D and C where he found a “safe space.”

Outside the stiebel, Anshel never found his place in New York and ultimately departed for Israel when I was about seven.  In due course, he divorced my mother. For the next 30 years, I did not see or speak with my father.

In Israel, he married Rivka, an immigrant from Iran, and had two daughters. He worked as a butcher's assistant in Tel Aviv's Shuk HaCarmel, rising well before dawn to catch a transport van to work. The work was hard and the noise piercing which may have contributed to his early hearing loss.

When we reconnected in the 1990s, I discovered a father who had found a way to give full expression to his life through deepened religiosity and ever stronger commitment to the ultra-Orthodox and Hassidic lifestyle in the Holy Land.

A man of few words, he was Haredi in the term's original meaning – trembling before God. He was that rare and genuine article: an authentic Haredi.

It was told to me that when he glimpsed a Torah scholar enter the study hall while studying the Talmud, my father would inconspicuously close his volume so that it would not look like he had pretensions to scholarship.

In retirement - by then we had reacquainted - he continued his early morning routine of rising at 3 am. Yet, instead of waiting for transport to Tel Aviv, he could go to the mikva before morning prayers. He spent as much time as possible in the beit midrash praying, reciting psalms, learning Talmud and listening to Musar.

His Siddur and Psalms at home were well-worn. His favorite Psalm, the one he always insisted I say when I sat with him, was 124 – appropriate for a Holocaust survivor and a haunted man. When he felt in a lighter mood he would tell a favorite story of the Baal Shem Tov. He tried to attend a rebbe’s tish or simcha when possible so that his eating would be connected to a mitzvah. Food was an opportunity to make a blessing as much as for nourishment.

The Pater - this authentic Haredi, poor as can be – took pleasure from mitzvot, gave charity (zealously), and constantly developed his faith.

He would never make small talk. There was no chitchat. Every minute counted in preparation for the World to Come. Our “conversation” was to review the opening section of the parsha of the week.

In his later years, he allowed me to help him when he donned his tefillin including רבינו תם‎.

His way of saying goodbye was to prompt me to say יחיד ורבים הלכה כרבים so that “we had learned together.”

In addition to me, he is survived by his daughter Miri, her husband Avishai, and their family with whom he lived for the six or so years after Rivka passed away. Until his final day, he shared a room with his not-yet-bar-mitzva grandson. He lived to see grandchildren and great-grandchildren. Miri, an ultra-Orthodox Florence Nightingale, would not entrust any outside caregiver and personally attended to his needs with an assist from Avishai. He was also beloved by our sister Ditza of Mea Shearim and her family and by Rivka's son Yossi.

May the memory of הרה"ח אשר אנשל בן אליהו be for a blessing.

 

(*) My book, The Pater, with my father as a central character, is mostly about how Jewish men grapple with childlessness https://www.amazon.com/Pater-Elliot-Jager/dp/1592643728

 

הֶספֵּד

אבא שלנו היה איש של מעט מילים. אבל סביר להניח -- ואני בטוח שאחותי דיצה ואני בהסכמה -- שהוא היה רוצה להודות לאחותנו מירי ולגיס שלנו אבישי על המסירות נפש והטיפול שלהם, במיוחד בשנים האחרונות.

בפועל אבישי לא היה חתן אלא בן אמיתי ונאמן.  

כמו כן יוסי תמיד נתן הרבה כבוד לאבא.

אנחנו כמובן זוכרים גם את רבקה ע'ה שבנה יחד עם אשר אנשל בית נאמן בישראל.

אבא היה רוצה גם להודות לילדי משפחה שגם הם היו חלק אינטגרלי של האווירה של אהבה וכבוד בבית. הם נתנו למירי ולאבישי לטפל באבא בחמלה.

אם מישהו רצה להבין מה המשמעות האמיתית של המצווה

כַּבֵּד אֶת-אָבִיךָ, וְאֶת-אִמֶּךָ--לְמַעַן, יַאֲרִכוּן יָמֶיךָ, עַל הָאֲדָמָה, אֲשֶׁר-יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ נֹתֵן לָךְ. 

הם יכולים להסתכל על הדוגמה של מירי ואבישי

כמובן יוסף חיים ודיצה ובני משפחותיהם נתנו אהבה וכבוד לאבא בכל הזדמנות.

אשר אנשל היה איש של מעט מילים אבל עם הרבה יראת שמיים.

עבור אבינו, היידישקייט היה מַמָשִׁי ואוֹתֶנְטִי ללא פוזות בכלל.

 בפרטיות בבית בדיוק כמו בציבור היראת אלוהים היה בדיוק אותו הדבר.

ללא ספק יש אלו שחשבו שהוא היה איש נאיבי. אבל ללא ספק הוא בחר להיות תמים – תפילה, תורה, מקווה, צדקה ומעשים טובים היו החיים שלו. 

קשה להאמין בימינו, כאשר דרך ארץ כל כך חסרה בכל מקום, שאנשל נתן דרך ארץ לכולם.

הוא אהב מצוות ומסורת. אֱמוּנָה הייתה דרך חייו.

הוא נהנה להיות כמה שיותר בבית מדרש ובבית הכנסת.

הוא עבד קשה שנים רבות -- קם מוקדם מאוד -- וכשפרש מהעבודה הוא השקיע אפילו יותר זמן בתפילה ולימוד ומעשים טובים וצדקה.

צדקה הייתה התשוקה שלו.

אבא נולד בשנת אלף תשעה מאות עשרים ושלוש בספינקה, היום ברומניה בהרי הקרפטים ב אזור של אוקראינה, רומניה והונגריה. מדינות שאינו ידועות כידידים של העם היהודי.

להורים של אבא – סבא אליהו וסבתא ריסה זכרונו לברכה -- נולדו אנשל, חיים יצחק, ושתי אחיות גולדה ושרה.

אמה ריסה נפטרה בטרם עת.

החיים לא היו פשוטים -- ואז השואה הגיעה לרומניה עם מלחמת העולם השנייה.

אנשל נשלח לעבודות כפייה תחת הרומנים. גולדה ושרה נשלחו לאושוויץ – שרה נהרגה שם, גולדה נוצלה. אבא אליהו נהרג אבל לא ברור מתי ואיפו. האח חיים יצחק שרד -- אני לא יודע איך.

לא היה שום סיבה להישאר באירופה אחרי. חיים יצחק עלה לארץ. אחרי שנים של המתנה במחנות פליטים באירופה, גולדה ואנשל הגרו לארצות הברית. לא היה לו קל בארצות הברית -- הוא סבל מטראומה מכל מה שעבר באירופה.

ואז אנשל עלה לארץ בתחילת שנות ה-60.

למרות שאבא ואני לא ראינו אחד את השני במשך 30 שנה, מירי תמיד מספרת לי שאבא תמיד דאג לי והתפלל בשבילי. אני מאמין בזה.

כמו משפחות רבות, הנרטיב של המשפחה שלנו מורכבת ומסובכת.

אבל ברור לכולם במאה אחוז: אבא היה יהודי יראת שמים והוא עשה כמיטב יכולתו למען משפחתו.

ועכשיו הוא יכול להיות מליץ ישר עבור כל משפחתו.

*******

אבינו קיבל הרבה נחמה מתהילים. תמיד ביקש ממני לומר ביחד איתו את הפרק הכי אהוב עליו.

Had God Not Been With Us…

קכד שִׁיר הַמַּעֲלוֹת לְדָוִד לוּלֵי יְהוָה שֶׁהָיָה לָנוּ יֹאמַר נָא יִשְׂרָאֵל: ב לוּלֵי יְהוָה שֶׁהָיָה לָנוּ בְּקוּם עָלֵינוּ אָדָם: ג אֲזַי חַיִּים בְּלָעוּנוּ בַּחֲרוֹת אַפָּם בָּנוּ: ד אֲזַי הַמַּיִם שְׁטָפוּנוּ נַחְלָה עָבַר עַל נַפְשֵׁנוּ: ה אֲזַי עָבַר עַל נַפְשֵׁנוּ הַמַּיִם הַזֵּידוֹנִים: ו בָּרוּךְ יְהוָה שֶׁלֹּא נְתָנָנוּ טֶרֶף לְשִׁנֵּיהֶם: ז נַפְשֵׁנוּ כְּצִפּוֹר נִמְלְטָה מִפַּח יוֹקְשִׁים הַפַּח נִשְׁבָּר וַאֲנַחְנוּ נִמְלָטְנוּ: ח עֶזְרֵנוּ בְּשֵׁם יְהוָה עֹשֵׂה שָׁמַיִם וָאָרֶץ:

יהי זכרו לברכה

 

Sunday, July 18, 2021

Editors can do Better than Turning to Central Casting on Tisha B’Av


Yediot....



When Israeli news outlet editors (many of whom are not Orthodox) are looking for a Tisha B’Av image, they invariably pick one of men somewhere on the ultra-Orthodox spectrum praying at the Western Wall.


Maybe next year, picture editors might consider an image that shows ordinary observant Israelis reciting Lamentations perhaps in non-Haredi synagogues or those in Jerusalem who gather family-style on the Promenade overlooking the Old City.


Israel Hayom ......



Haaretz .....


I for one was buoyed by this GPO image of Prime Minister Bennett reciting Lamentations with his son. It was at least a step closer to how things really are, though few print outlets made room for the picture.



When editors are on deadline especially on a Saturday night it is easy to go for a “central casting” image, yet portraying ordinary Israelis engaging in Jewish observance would be no less a reflection of reality while also reinforcing the message that Tisha B’Av is a commemoration for all Jewish Israelis — particularly the Zionist majority.