זיכרונה לברכה
Mansour Abbas’s argument, in a nutshell, is that the conflict between Palestinian Arabs and the Zionist enterprise is intractable. We need to live with that and find workarounds to make day-to-day life better for every citizen.
Abbas mentioned the influence the late Rabbi Menachem Froman https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Menachem_Froman had on him. Rabbi Froman was among the first in the settler movement to articulate the need for coexistence rooted in religious grounds and to reach out to Muslim religious leaders to convince them to embrace the idea of tolerance and coexistence. Now, Abbas works together with the principled and admired Rabbi Michael Melchior https://www.rabbimichaelmelchior.org/welcome a strictly Orthodox Jerusalem rabbi of dovish leanings.
Abbas is an HU alum and expressed his gratitude to the university not only for the opportunity to learn dentistry but for doing so in a Hebrew-speaking environment. He said mastering Hebrew was an essential tool in his campaign to improve conditions for Israel’s Palestinian Arab citizens.
To the crux of the matter. I don’t think the message of coexistence and tolerance is much promulgated by Arab leaders to an Arab audience in Arabic. I am unaware of any coexistence group that is not funded by foreigners. So when a home-grown Arab leader who has street creds comes to promulgate coexistence and tolerance I put my cynicism on hold.
There has never been a reformation in Islam. There are no reform mosques. Muslim civilization does not find it easy to play second fiddle to any other civilization. Hence the partition of India, for example. Palestinian Arab society is socially conservative. Arab leaders tend not to come from the world of the humanities and liberal arts. Indeed, Abbas is, as noted, a dentist. His political nemesis is the crafty, charismatic, and uncompromising gynecologist and Knesset Member Ahmed Tibi.
Parenthetically, beyond the Green Line, Hamas was co-founded by the now-departed pediatrician Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi. One of its current leaders, Khaled Mashal, studied physics. Granted, Yehiya Sinwar and Ismail Haniyeh were educated more as Arabists, but I doubt in any liberal arts sense.
The Arab educational emphasis is practical. Naturally, there are social workers and teachers. However, pedagogically, the best and the brightest students tend to gravitate to the hard sciences. These are useful professions but don’t offer much space to inculcate the message of tolerance. The Palestinian Arabs we Israelis generally encounter are on the one hand pharmacists, doctors, nurses, and on the other construction workers, and unskilled laborers.
Something tells me most imams are not preaching acceptance of the other from the minbar.
Thus, having Mansour Abbas preach tolerance – not of the vacuous Kumbaya “why-can’t-we-all-get-along" sort – but a pragmatic self-interested broadmindedness legitimized by his authoritative reading of the Koran is hugely valuable.
“I don’t speak in coexistence jargon,” he granted – but I live coexistence, he implied.
As for the Islamic Sharia Council that his party supposedly answers to – he said it is elected and that there are term limits. This gives his stance for coexistence unique legitimacy. He characterized the Sharia Council of his Islamist stream as a democratic model for religious politics.
His coexistence impulse came early. Abbas told his HU audience that he grew up in a mixed Arab town with Druze and Christians. This was where he learned real-world broadmindedness — which presumably predisposed him to embrace Froman’s line.
He also reminded us that the Arabs in this Land are deeply fragmented – maybe even more than the Jews. Nonetheless, RAM’s decision to join the Israeli government has substantial popular support.
So, Mansour Abbas’s line is: I have my views, but I am prepared to accept that you don’t share them. And religion just might be a bridge for everyday coexistence where secularism has failed.
He acknowledges that Israelis distrust and suspect him of ulterior motives. Abbas said we all have multiple, maybe even contradictory, identities. He explained that he expresses his loyalty to Israel simply by participating in the system and swearing allegiance to the Knesset and state.
To my mind, this is a big deal. Consider that here in Jerusalem most Palestinian Arabs, 40 percent of the population at least, refuse to vote in municipal elections. So they do not have any representation on the city council. They reject the existence of Israel and its control over the city. In the past municipal election, one Arab slate bucked this trend to compete but Jerusalem Arabs obstinately did not go to the polls.
So I am pleased to take allegiance where I can get it.
Mansour Abbas is also a sociological ambassador – both ways. He instructs Arabs who want to figure out Jewish politics to factor in Jewish existential fears. Unlike PLO and Hamas leaders, Abbas is no Holocaust denier.
Most importantly, his recurrent theme is there is no point in emphasizing our very real – I would add zero-sum – differences since doing so leads to a dead end. His constituents want real services and tangible results. That requires engaging in politics, which necessarily involves compromise.
Speaking of tolerance, as deputy Knesset speaker, Abbas says he has been shocked by the lack of civility – especially between Jewish members. Anyone who watches Channel 99 (Israel’s C-SPAN) knows precisely what he means.
On a personal level, Abbas is dismayed at being denounced by ultra-right Jews as a Hamasnik and by the anti-Zionist firebrands such as Ayman Odeh (a supposed progressive) and the aforementioned Ahmad Tibi (a nationalist) as a collaborator.
He says we are all changing and evolving.
He even wants Jewish votes if he can get them. The audience at HU was mostly Jewish even though there are loads of Arab students on campus.
I can’t help but think of Abbas in the context of Palestinian Arab history. In the 1930s and 1940s, some Arab clans and leaders grudgingly accepted the Zionist enterprise as an unhappy fait accompli. They thought it best for their people to cooperate, to be practical. They were all silenced or murdered. So when people ask where the Arab moderates are, the answer is – in the cemeteries. See https://www.amazon.com/Army-Shadows-Hillel-Cohen/dp/0520259890
Abbas’s line also recalled somewhat of the West Bank Village Leagues leaders Menachem Begin sought to cultivate https://www.memri.org/reports/story-palestinian-village-leagues They might have delivered autonomy to West Bank Arabs had the PLO not bullied them out of existence.
So in a sense, Abbas may just be the inheritor of a Palestinian Arab stream of realpolitik presumed extinct. He is not abandoning any aspect of his identity or political, religious, or cultural beliefs and demands but is open to compartmentalizing them, willing to be nuanced. Ready to find workarounds.
He told us what we already knew: that Netanyahu begged him to throw his support to him and Likud and he would have wanted to, but the ultra-right blocked Netanyahu, and moreover Abu Yair lost all credibility – so Abbas took his chances with Naftali Bennett.
On a human level, Abbas presents as respectful and warm exhibiting a winning self-deprecating humor.
May Allah continue to guide him on
the path of coexistence and tolerance and keep him safe.
FOR MORE ON ABBAS see
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mansour_Abbas
I did it. I just canceled my subscription to The New York Times.
And over the years, no matter my distaste for some of its Israel
coverage and the tendentious columns by Tom Friedman, Roger Cohen, and Anthony
Lewis, I did not want to stop getting the paper.
Overall the scope and breadth, and elegance of its coverage
were unsurpassed. Moreover, I wanted to expose myself to views that made me
question my positions.
However, in recent years the Times has deteriorated as a serious newspaper/outlet.
I can cope with grossly slanted coverage.
I can even
cope with the condescending and relentless “how-to” pieces … of the how-to peel
a banana or wipe your ass variety.
But when the newspaper/outlet presents principally as a viewspaper,
when editors dictate that woke rule virtually every facet of coverage from books
to soft features – it is time to stop being a chump subscriber.
At some stage, The Times embarked on a didactic endeavor to program,
North Korean-style, a generation of readers to imbibe the propaganda of intolerance
and the myopia of woke. Newer readers probably don’t even know they are being
manipulated. Veteran readers may be too sluggish to make a move.
But not this old geezer. Bye-bye, New York Times.
The American Political Science Association is now holding its 117th Annual Meeting in Seattle, Washington even as woke values continue to permeate not just popular culture and the media but also academia.
My own field of political science seems to have fallen prey to the woke canon. I am not suggesting that political science is unique. Many university departments in sociology and anthropology, not to mention Middle East Studies, in Israel, the UK, the US, and elsewhere, have been hijacked by anti-Zionist campaigners. Many US campuses have become hostile environments to visibly Jewish and pro-Zionist students.
As old school liberal baby boomers retire from academia, dogmatic wokers fill their places. Yesteryear’s liberal partiality has become today’s rigid progressive convention. As a result, the social sciences and humanities in the US, and Israel too, are often bastions of unabashedly one-sided curricula. Witch-hunts often instigated by woke students against those traduced as racists or gender offenders, are common occurrences on campus.
Academic literature more and more mirrors woke convention. The May 2021 edition of Political Science Today, a magazine of the American Political Science Association, reflected the editors’ obeisance to woke values. Obfuscation is a core element in woke-speak. Nonetheless, I was able to decipher the editors’ intention by scrutinizing this magazine. A theme that comes through is their concern that there are still too many white male political scientists about (40 percent). The editors inventoried all APSA journal authors by “Gender Self-Identification,” Again, white men dominated while non-binary persons were way down in the rankings.
An article about the often chauvinistic Black Lives Matter movement is uncritical except to question whether it fully articulates the interests of “Black LGBTQIA+ individuals.” There is no mention of antisemitism or anti-Zionism.
Another article bemoans the small numbers of “underrepresented students” in mathematically-oriented political science subfields. Turn the page, and a headline shouts: “Does Your Online Course Perpetuate Institutional Discrimination?”
A piece on “Strategies for Teaching the Insurrection and Impeachment” urges instructors to name “the insurrection for what it was.” I make no secret of my disdain for Donald Trump, nor do I play down the danger posed by the assault on the Capitol. Yet, a political science classroom is not a New York Times op-ed. Teachers should use less loaded terminology and make their lecture halls a safe space even for Trump-supporting students.
The May 2021 edition of Political Science Today also had brief agitprop about anti-Asian violence asserting these crimes were inspired by America’s white colonialist past. Boloney.
In New York City, almost all attacks in the first three months of 2021 against Chinese people were carried out by Blacks or Hispanics. Nationwide, between 1992-2014, hate crimes against Asian Americans were more likely to be committed by Blacks and Hispanics, not whites.
Further along in the magazine, a multi-page spread gives readers biographical sketches of “diversity fellows,” all of whom would appear to be students of color. Diversity? Finally, and I fear indicative of the discipline’s future, skimming the list of 2020 doctoral dissertations, I found only one by a Jewish American scholar on an Israel-related topic, and it was devoted to “settler violence.” An entire generation of students has now grown up oblivious to the fundamental issues of the Palestinian-Israel conflict. All they can do is repeat the “occupation” mantra unthinkingly. What a shame.
It is even painful to watch parodies of campus woke because they are so…real.
Poli Sci should neither be boringly abstract nor hostage to pop-political-trends. Your students need to know current events -- beyond what they come away with by scrolling through their social media feeds. Courageous teachers of politics need to inculcate tolerance and Madisonian -- not woke -- values.
#APSA2021
To read more see:
https://www.voanews.com/usa/anti-asian-hate-crime-crosses-racial-and-ethnic-lines
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7790522/
https://www.wsj.com/articles/woke-teachers-dont-understand-the-classics-11609690239
https://www.ngo-monitor.org/reports/bds_on_american_campuses_sjp_and_its_ngo_network/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Chair_(2021_TV_series)
הרה "ח אשר אנשל בן אליהו |
My father Asher Anshel Mordechai Yager Tziad זכרונו לברכה died at home in B'nei Brak on Wednesday, August 25, 2021 (17 Ellul 5781) at age 98. He was eulogized at the Spinka Synagogue in B'nai Brak where, as a Spinka Hassid, מזקני וחשובי חסידי ספינקא, he had worshipped particularly on Shabbat and the festivals.
In Jerusalem, he davened at שומרי
אמונים ירושלים.
Born in Spinka, Rumania, in 1923, Anshel attended
local cheder and yeshiva. His mother, Risa, died when he was young. During World
War II, he was conscripted into forced labor by the Romanians allied with Nazi
Germany. His sisters Golda and Sarah were sent to Auschwitz, where Sarah died
of malnutrition. His father, Eliahu, died in the course of the war under
circumstances unknown. Close to liberation time, at Passover, Anshel could trade
his bread ration for a potato, he recalled years later. When the war was over,
he discovered that his sister Golda and brother Chaim Yitzhak had survived
(Chaim most likely had made it to Soviet lines).
From a DP camp in Germany, my father ultimately
arrived in the US, was introduced to and married my dear mother Yvette עליה השלום in 1952. After I was
born, we lived in the Jacob Riis Housing Projects on the Lower East Side of
Manhattan.
He was traumatized and haunted by his war experiences.
Nonetheless, he tried to acclimate and learned English. He held down a series
of jobs, including butcher's assistant and eventually – with my mother's savvy intervention
– mail handler for the US Post Office.
By then he had discovered Reb Hershele's stiebel, a
Spinka enclave, between Avenue D and C where he found a “safe space.”
Outside the stiebel, Anshel never found his place in
New York and ultimately departed for Israel when I was about seven. In due course, he divorced my mother. For the
next 30 years, I did not see or speak with my father.
In Israel, he married Rivka, an immigrant from Iran,
and had two daughters. He worked as a butcher's assistant in Tel Aviv's Shuk
HaCarmel, rising well before dawn to catch a transport van to work. The work
was hard and the noise piercing which may have contributed to his early hearing
loss.
When we reconnected in the 1990s, I discovered a
father who had found a way to give full expression to his life through deepened
religiosity and ever stronger commitment to the ultra-Orthodox and Hassidic
lifestyle in the Holy Land.
A man of few words, he was Haredi in the term's
original meaning – trembling before God. He was that rare and genuine article: an
authentic Haredi.
It was told to me that when he glimpsed a Torah scholar
enter the study hall while studying the Talmud, my father would inconspicuously
close his volume so that it would not look like he had pretensions to scholarship.
In retirement - by then we had reacquainted - he continued his
early morning routine of rising at 3 am. Yet, instead of waiting for transport
to Tel Aviv, he could go to the mikva before morning prayers. He spent as much
time as possible in the beit midrash praying, reciting psalms, learning Talmud
and listening to Musar.
His Siddur and Psalms at home were well-worn. His
favorite Psalm, the one he always insisted I say when I sat with him, was 124 –
appropriate for a Holocaust survivor and a haunted man. When he felt in a
lighter mood he would tell a favorite story of the Baal Shem Tov. He tried to
attend a rebbe’s tish or simcha when possible so that his eating
would be connected to a mitzvah. Food was an opportunity to make a blessing as
much as for nourishment.
The Pater - this authentic Haredi, poor as can be – took
pleasure from mitzvot, gave charity (zealously), and constantly developed his
faith.
He would never make small talk. There was no chitchat.
Every minute counted in preparation for the World to Come. Our “conversation”
was to review the opening section of the parsha of the week.
In his later years, he allowed me to help him when he donned
his tefillin including רבינו תם.
His way of saying goodbye was to prompt me to say יחיד ורבים הלכה כרבים so that “we had
learned together.”
In addition to me, he is survived by his daughter Miri,
her husband Avishai, and their family with whom he lived for the six or so
years after Rivka passed away. Until his final day, he shared a room with his not-yet-bar-mitzva
grandson. He lived to see grandchildren and great-grandchildren. Miri, an
ultra-Orthodox Florence Nightingale, would not entrust any outside caregiver and
personally attended to his needs with an assist from Avishai. He was also
beloved by our sister Ditza of Mea Shearim and her family and by Rivka's son
Yossi.
May the memory of הרה"ח אשר
אנשל בן אליהו be for a blessing.
(*) My book, The Pater, with my father as a
central character, is mostly about how Jewish men grapple with childlessness https://www.amazon.com/Pater-Elliot-Jager/dp/1592643728
הֶספֵּד
אבא שלנו היה איש של מעט מילים. אבל סביר
להניח -- ואני
בטוח שאחותי דיצה ואני בהסכמה -- שהוא היה רוצה להודות לאחותנו מירי ולגיס שלנו
אבישי על המסירות נפש והטיפול שלהם, במיוחד בשנים האחרונות.
בפועל אבישי לא היה חתן אלא בן אמיתי ונאמן.
כמו כן יוסי תמיד נתן הרבה כבוד לאבא.
אנחנו כמובן זוכרים גם את רבקה ע'ה שבנה יחד
עם אשר אנשל בית נאמן בישראל.
אבא היה רוצה גם להודות לילדי משפחה שגם
הם היו חלק אינטגרלי של האווירה של אהבה וכבוד בבית. הם נתנו למירי ולאבישי לטפל באבא
בחמלה.
אם מישהו רצה להבין מה המשמעות האמיתית של
המצווה
כַּבֵּד אֶת-אָבִיךָ,
וְאֶת-אִמֶּךָ--לְמַעַן, יַאֲרִכוּן יָמֶיךָ, עַל הָאֲדָמָה, אֲשֶׁר-יְהוָה
אֱלֹהֶיךָ נֹתֵן לָךְ.
הם יכולים להסתכל על הדוגמה של מירי ואבישי
כמובן יוסף חיים ודיצה ובני משפחותיהם נתנו אהבה וכבוד לאבא בכל הזדמנות.
אשר אנשל היה איש של מעט מילים אבל עם
הרבה יראת שמיים.
עבור אבינו, היידישקייט
היה מַמָשִׁי ואוֹתֶנְטִי ללא פוזות בכלל.
בפרטיות בבית
בדיוק כמו בציבור היראת אלוהים היה בדיוק אותו הדבר.
ללא ספק
יש אלו שחשבו שהוא היה איש נאיבי. אבל ללא ספק הוא
בחר להיות תמים – תפילה, תורה, מקווה, צדקה ומעשים טובים היו החיים שלו.
קשה להאמין בימינו, כאשר דרך ארץ כל כך
חסרה בכל מקום, שאנשל נתן דרך ארץ לכולם.
הוא אהב מצוות ומסורת. אֱמוּנָה הייתה
דרך חייו.
הוא נהנה להיות כמה שיותר בבית מדרש ובבית
הכנסת.
הוא עבד קשה שנים רבות -- קם מוקדם מאוד
-- וכשפרש מהעבודה הוא השקיע אפילו יותר זמן בתפילה ולימוד ומעשים טובים וצדקה.
צדקה הייתה התשוקה שלו.
אבא נולד בשנת אלף תשעה מאות עשרים ושלוש בספינקה, היום ברומניה בהרי הקרפטים ב אזור של אוקראינה, רומניה והונגריה.
מדינות שאינו ידועות כידידים של העם היהודי.
להורים של אבא – סבא אליהו וסבתא ריסה זכרונו לברכה -- נולדו אנשל, חיים יצחק, ושתי אחיות גולדה ושרה.
אמה ריסה נפטרה בטרם עת.
החיים לא היו פשוטים -- ואז השואה הגיעה
לרומניה עם
מלחמת העולם השנייה.
אנשל נשלח לעבודות כפייה תחת הרומנים. גולדה ושרה נשלחו לאושוויץ – שרה נהרגה
שם, גולדה נוצלה. אבא אליהו נהרג אבל לא ברור מתי ואיפו. האח חיים יצחק שרד -- אני
לא יודע איך.
לא היה שום סיבה להישאר באירופה אחרי. חיים
יצחק עלה לארץ. אחרי שנים של המתנה במחנות פליטים באירופה, גולדה ואנשל הגרו לארצות הברית. לא היה
לו קל בארצות הברית -- הוא סבל מטראומה מכל מה שעבר באירופה.
ואז אנשל עלה לארץ בתחילת שנות ה-60.
למרות שאבא ואני לא ראינו אחד את השני
במשך 30 שנה, מירי
תמיד מספרת לי שאבא תמיד דאג לי והתפלל בשבילי. אני מאמין בזה.
כמו משפחות רבות, הנרטיב של המשפחה שלנו
מורכבת ומסובכת.
אבל ברור לכולם במאה אחוז: אבא היה יהודי
יראת שמים והוא
עשה כמיטב יכולתו למען משפחתו.
ועכשיו הוא יכול
להיות מליץ ישר עבור כל משפחתו.
*******
אבינו קיבל הרבה
נחמה מתהילים. תמיד ביקש ממני לומר ביחד איתו את הפרק הכי אהוב עליו.
Had God Not Been With Us…
קכד שִׁיר הַמַּעֲלוֹת לְדָוִד לוּלֵי יְהוָה שֶׁהָיָה
לָנוּ יֹאמַר נָא יִשְׂרָאֵל: ב לוּלֵי יְהוָה שֶׁהָיָה לָנוּ בְּקוּם
עָלֵינוּ אָדָם: ג אֲזַי חַיִּים בְּלָעוּנוּ בַּחֲרוֹת אַפָּם בָּנוּ: ד
אֲזַי הַמַּיִם שְׁטָפוּנוּ נַחְלָה עָבַר עַל נַפְשֵׁנוּ: ה אֲזַי עָבַר
עַל נַפְשֵׁנוּ הַמַּיִם הַזֵּידוֹנִים: ו בָּרוּךְ יְהוָה שֶׁלֹּא
נְתָנָנוּ טֶרֶף לְשִׁנֵּיהֶם: ז נַפְשֵׁנוּ כְּצִפּוֹר נִמְלְטָה מִפַּח
יוֹקְשִׁים הַפַּח נִשְׁבָּר וַאֲנַחְנוּ נִמְלָטְנוּ: ח עֶזְרֵנוּ בְּשֵׁם
יְהוָה עֹשֵׂה שָׁמַיִם וָאָרֶץ:
יהי זכרו לברכה